Empire Notes
"We don't seek empires. We're not imperialistic. We never have been. I
can't imagine why you'd even ask the question." Donald Rumsfeld,
questioned by an al-Jazeera correspondent, April 29, 2003.
"No one can now doubt the word of America," George W. Bush, State of
the Union, January 20, 2004.
Last Thursday, the foremost scion of the Bush Dynasty returned to the
scene of the crime for his second coronation. This man, who once said, “
If this were a
dictatorship, it would be a heck of a lot easier, just so long as I'm
the dictator," which at the time was considered a joke, gave a
20-minute
speech in which he used the word “freedom” 27 times, “liberty” 15
times, and “free” 7 times. He declared a historic mission of the United
States to “seek and support the growth of democratic movements and
institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of
ending tyranny in our world.” According to him, the right of every man
and woman to democracy stems from the fact that they all “bear the
image of the Maker of Heaven and earth,” a doctrine Hindus, Buddhists,
and many others do not believe in.
On Sunday, the ever-convenient Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, a man who if he
did not exist would have had to be invented, declared a “
fierce war on this evil
principle of democracy and those who follow this wrong ideology.”
To him, the candidates running for election were “demi-idols” and those
who would vote for them “infidels.” He accused the Americans of
engineering the elections to “make Shiites dominate the regime in
Iraq,” which is true if unavoidable in a country with a considerable
Shi’a majority, and of bringing in four million Shiites from Iran to
“take part in the elections to achieve their aim of winning,” a gross
exaggeration.
For months now, the Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the man who is
actually responsible for the elections now being held in Iraq, has told
his followers that voting is a “religious duty.” Although he was
somewhat coy about it initially, he has
made
it clear that their duty is, in fact, specifically voting for the
United Iraqi Alliance, the unified slate of the Shi’a Islamist
parties. Although he is opposed to a theocratic state, there is no
doubt that he has insisted on elections, and at times mobilized over
100,000 people in the streets, primarily in order to increase the power
of the Shi’a, in particular of the Shi’ite clergy. In the process, he
has effectively, if not officially, been supporting the occupation.
According to the most recent issue of the Kurdish weekly Hawlati, the
unified Kurdish slate, which will draw virtually all of the Kurdish
vote,
includes
at least a dozen high-ranking Ba’ath Party members and people involved
in Saddam’s Kurdish paramilitary groups created to aid his
counterinsurgency in the late 1970’s and throughout the 1980’s. Kurdish
leaders were taking advantage of the security situation to keep these
names secret from Kurdish voters, who will be turning out en masse in
part to reject Saddam’s dictatorship and his murderous Anfal campaign,
that killed 182,000 people in Iraqi Kurdistan according to Kurdish
sources. There may be many more such surprises in the other slates; the
majority of candidates are having their names kept secret from those
who are to vote for them.
Perhaps the most sensible position on the election has come from
Moqtada al-Sadr, a man who inherited his authority from his father.
Until recently, he had taken a low profile on the election,
investigating the possibility of running some of his own candidates.
Now, however, while stopping short of calling for a boycott, he says, "
I personally will stay away
[from the elections] until the occupiers stay away from them, and until
our beloved Sunnis participate in them. Otherwise they will lack
legitimacy and democracy."
All in all, a highly confusing picture. It’s incontrovertible that the
United States has consistently delayed elections for two years, and
would have done so longer had there been no opposition; it’s equally
clear however, that the winner of these “democratic” elections will
cooperate with the occupiers and lend, for most Americans if not for
most Iraqis, an air of democratic legitimacy to the new Iraqi puppet
government. But Iraqis can be forgiven if, after all of this, they
understand as little of true democracy as Americans, who don’t seem to
have understood that you impeach presidents who lie to get you into an
illegal war, you don’t re-elect them.